A merely ecumenical journey? Presented as a “pilgrimage of peace and unity,” Pope Benedict XVI’s visit to Jordan and Israel nonetheless aims to “support” Christian populations in the region, thereby acquiring a distinctly political connotation. This trip is certainly political due to the regional context: the Israeli-Palestinian conflict extends well beyond the Middle East—particularly into Europe—in both its religious and secular dimensions. The war in Iraq has led thousands of Iraqi Christians to seek refuge in Jordan, a country itself comprised of a significant—and majority, many experts believe—Palestinian population. In Saudi Arabia, the timid opening of civil society initiated by King Abdullah—which could eventually benefit a handful of Christians—may only be a brief respite. Should the current Minister of the Interior, known for his support of the “motawas” (religious police), ascend to the throne after a double succession prompted by the Crown Prince’s advanced age, the situation might change. In the Mediterranean, Copts still suffer from attacks in Egypt, and the creeping Islamization of Algerian society easily targets Christians. Not to mention those in Lebanon: religious fanaticism is gaining ground in Tripoli, in the northern part of the cedar country, where real estate sold by Christians, sometimes even encouraged to leave, is systematically purchased by radical Muslim groups.
Further politicizing the issue, the address at the Al-Hussein Bin Talal Mosque, delivered at the invitation of the king’s cousin following the controversial speech by the Pope at Regensburg in 2006: “It is often the ideological manipulation of religion, sometimes for political purposes, that is the real catalyst of tensions and divisions, and sometimes even violence in society,” the Holy Father explained. The clever framing of the statement does not obscure its inherent meaning. Even though the Pope praises Palestinian Christians for their “particular courage,” more will probably be needed to reassure and protect all Eastern Christians, who are now considered “spiritual minorities.” The same papal discourse in front of Prince Ghazi Bin Mohammed Bin Talal reveals an ambivalence, or even a temptation by the Church of Rome, indicative of its limited room to maneuver: “In this regard, we must note that the right to religious freedom exceeds the simple matter of worship and includes the right—especially for minorities—to have access to the job market and other spheres of public life.” This approach, despite the scriptural recommendation on this matter, could not be a better embodiment of joining the spiritual with the temporal, betraying an analysis of the presence of Christians in this part of the world in terms of survival.
Has the renowned political scientist, Gérard Chaliand, not predicted the disappearance of Lebanese Christians within a century? Is this uncertainty the reason why the bishops of the Maronite Patriarchate of Lebanon have long been accustomed to intervening in the country’s politics? Is This also why the Sunday homilies of Patriarch Nasrallah Sfeir have become, in this area, a reference point? Lebanon, yet emblematic land of Eastern Christians, “could become an Islamic republic within a generation,” according to not a Christian but Druze leader Walid Jumblatt, who is concerned about identity threats weighing on his community. A community often in bloody conflict with the Maronites. This says it all.
