That the UMP is a party that needs to rebuild itself is obvious… Yet another proof of the discomfort within this party which swapped its “P” for “popular” to “power” with the nomination of departmental candidates for the senatorial election scheduled for next fall.
The three heavyweights of the department (Christian Estrosi, Eric Ciotti, and Michรจle Tabarot) each have their group of loyal followers and electoral operatives who need to be rewarded with honors and secondary positions.
The first, an unavoidable figure in the Nice area, claims to be both a free man and a loyal follower of Nicolas Sarkozy, has a broad vision and has already announced his preliminary candidacy for the 2016 primary that will designate the right-wing candidate for the 2017 presidential election.
The second is increasingly embedded in the Fillon movement and plays the “Sheriff Law & Order” role, explicitly aiming for the position of Minister of the Interior in a future cabinet.
Finally, the third is currently very discreet following the setbacks of her national reference, Jean-Franรงois Copรฉ, of whom she was a right-hand person and the failure of her brother Philippe in his bid for mayor of Cannes, which, on the contrary, has become a stronghold of Eric Ciotti, along with Grasse and Mandelieu.
In short, here is the scenario from which the senatorial elections become a new test of strength and distribution of power.
The national investiture commission of the UMP (to which the three mentioned belong) has made its decision on the composition of the list for the senatorial elections in the Alpes-Maritimes.
As announced, the top of the list will be Dominique Estrosi-Sassone, deputy mayor of Nice and general councilor, who after 13 years of commitment in the area, wants to enjoy the splendor of the capital. Who would have the courage to oppose it?
Then, in accordance with the male-female parity rule, Colette Giudicelli, outgoing senator from Menton (and wife of the city’s Deputy Mayor), has been designated for the third spot. Here too, the common alliance of the Estrosi-Ciotti tandem with the ruling family in the east of the department is respected.
On the other hand, for the eligible second position on the list, the choice between Henri Leroy, mayor of Mandelieu sponsored by Eric Ciotti, and the mayor of Cagnes, Louis Nรจgre, outgoing senator and First Vice-President of the Metropolis supported by Christian Estrosi, was complicated.
However, politics being the art of the possible (and sometimes the impossible), an agreement was reached after Louis Nรจgre’s commitment to leave the Luxembourg Palace in 2017 (he will keep his mayoral mandate) in accordance with the future law on multiple office-holding. In this novel solution, Henri Leroy will succeed him.
This arrangement could set a precedent with a new feature: the elected official on a fixed-term contract who makes one or several rounds before giving way to the next.
This kind of multiplication of loaves and fishes, in a secular version, applied on a large scale, would allow a rotation of several candidates for the same elected position! An innovative solution to consider for the future.
There remain two excluded outgoing cases: Hรฉlรจne Masson-Maret who took the place of the former senator-mayor of Saint-Jean Vestri after his death, and the former mayor of Grasse, Jean-Pierre Leleux.
The first, mother-in-law of the dissident elected official Olivier Bettati, was targeted by the Estrosi-Ciotti duo despite a defense by Michรจle Tabarot, ally of the former UMP/Cope supporter Olivier Bettati, now sidelined; while Jean-Pierre Leleux has already announced that he will lead a “parallel” list (not “dissident”?) to the official UMP list.
What can be said about such a patrimonial and Byzantine management of the party? And how can citizens be expected to understand?
Between strategic choices supporting national ambitions with the accompanying alternative fortunes, tactical choices for the composition and recomposition of local power, the balance between territories according to major municipalities and constituencies, the ambitions of the upper and junior officers, all that results is an “occupational” democracy, far below “true” democracy.
Indeed, if the UMP wants to become a modern and European liberal party again, it does not need a restructuring, no matter how profound, but rather to be refounded around ideals and values in order to regain an ethical conduct based on an exemplary public service spirit.
Otherwise, it will remain an addition, more or less heavy depending on the times and circumstances, of personal and clannish power.
