It is evident that the beginnings of the new Ivorian power are difficult, even perilous, despite many visible signs of a very encouraging return to normalcy in life in this country, which has been deeply scarred and disrupted by ten years of haphazard governance.
Is President Ouattara backed into a corner?
There is no need to go into detail about the circumstances under which the new Ivorian president came to power after being democratically elected.
Given the impressive quantity of heavy weapons hidden throughout the city of Abidjan by the previous regime, which was clearly preparing for the worst, one might wonder what the legitimate winner of this election could do to make their victory effective.
Should the former head of state have been allowed to usurp power by force of arms, causing “a thousand deaths on the left and a thousand on the right while paving his way” to remain in power despite the verdict of the ballot box?
In that case, what meaning would a presidential election have in the future across the continent if results can be contradicted and falsified by the terror of arms and a subservient constitutional council, in an almost “normal” way? The outcome of this Ivorian post-electoral crisis was decisive for all African dictatorships for whom what was happening in the country represented a case study and might set a “precedent” in this context.
More than three months after his painful and bloody accession to power, thanks to the determination and courage of young volunteers who sacrificed their lives for the respect of legality, President Ouattara now seems troubled by serious accusations from the UN and NGOs. These human rights organizations increase their pressure daily on the new government so that abuses committed by elements of the Forces Rรฉpublicaines de Cรดte d’Ivoire (FRCI) are punished as severely as those committed by elements of the former regime, the Forces de Dรฉfense et de Sรฉcuritรฉ (FDS) of Laurent Gbagbo.
This is also the wish of the elected president, who wants clarity on all forms of violence and crimes in the country and for justice to be impartial. ADO is aware of these facts and realizes he is under pressure from both the NGOs and the UN, which demand justice as he does, and that’s beneficial for democracy and Ivorians.
On the other hand, the actions of the FRCI, which restored constitutional legality in this country on the brink of civil war, put him under pressure as well. A true democrat, concerned with individual and collective freedoms, he would have liked to come to power solely by the will of the people through universal suffrage.
Today, harsh realities impose themselves on his management of power, forcing him to make delicate and sensitive decisions just months before high-risk legislative elections.
For example, regarding the public treasury, the president needs to find a way to unify the state’s financial accounts and restore security to favor the return of investors. He also faces a serious challenge of “grade examination” within his army, both in the FRCI and the FDS. He needs to find solutions, as he promised during his electoral campaign, to uphold the rule of law and republican legality across the entire territory while accommodating the various systemic forces on which his power is based.
We also know that not all elements of the FRCI can be integrated into the army due to obvious budgetary reasons. According to some sources, some should transition into civil society, business, and even politics.
This is the case, for example, of the “Com-Zones” who already control towns and districts in the North and Center of the country.
This situation can indeed open up possibilities in negotiations to reclassify these military personnel and also for the political future of the current prime minister. Regardless of what is said or thought about him, he is a major Ivorian political actor with great legitimate ambitions, who has made himself essential thanks to his control of the armed forces on the ground. By being elected, these former rebels, now mostly respectable dignitaries, will be shielded by parliamentary immunity, which could protect them if necessary, like all other elected representatives.
Returning to civil society, the possibility of forming a future political party around the current prime minister could be the beginning of a great political adventure for him.
With the possibility of creating a political party, the current prime minister, who should leave the Prime Minister’s office after the upcoming legislative elections, could be a serious contender for the succession of the current occupant of the Ivorian presidency.
But for this, he still has much to learn, especially in managing human resources, which can help him achieve this presidential ambition in preparation. Can the entrenchment of these ex-rebels in these regions, which they have administered for nearly ten years, hinder the new power in the event of upcoming democratic elections?
In any case, it might be better to have identified opponents in a democratic framework than to have uncertain and random alliances that might severely hinder the most ambitious societal and government projects for which one was elected.
