What if everything had started in Nice in June 1975? Nicolas Sarkozy was only 20 years old and attended the conference as the departmental delegate of the UDR (Union of Republican Democrats). Jacques Chirac, then Prime Minister under Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, gave the floor to Nicolas Sarkozy. His speech before 6000 activists lasted twenty minutes. It was his first test in front of an audience. It was a success. He then knew he was cut out for this, that he would not fear major events or public and media pressure. Worse: he would love it. This exposure, the risk of being judged, would multiply his strength, his convictions, forcing him to always be better.
Thirty-two years later, on January 14, 2007, Nicolas Sarkozy proclaimed his presidential campaign program for almost an hour and a half at the UMP congress, the party of which he was president and which hosted nearly 100,000 fans or members. He hoped to succeed a certain Jacques Chirac as President of the Republic. Here, Hegelian theory finds a perfect example. Could anyone imagine in June 1975 that thirty-two years later Jacques Chirac would once again pass the baton to Nicolas Sarkozy, but this time at the Élysée? Nicolas may have dreamed of it… Jacques Chirac, it is said, was impressed that day by young Nicolas. A story to build a legend or an extraordinary history. For that, one must be elected by the majority of the French. The electoral battle officially began on this January 14th. Nicolas Sarkozy adopted a Gaullist stance summed up in this quote by General de Gaulle: “I am a man who belongs to no one and who belongs to everyone.” The same General who aspired to govern the country of 350 cheeses. The method is unifying. Nicolas adopted it.
Nicolas Sarkozy tried to express his emotion: “There are feelings so strong that there is no word big enough to express them. There are feelings so intense that they need not be named.” The UMP candidate carefully chose his words, avoiding those that upset which he sometimes had uttered out of clumsiness or populism to demonstrate that he had changed. Nicolas Sarkozy is never as comfortable as when he is behind a lectern, in front of a camera, and behind the microphones. So comfortable that, after hearing his speech, it seemed different from what we had heard.
To honor the 98.1% of the votes representing 69% of the members, he delivered a speech flattering all the tendencies of the right, sometimes close to the extreme, sometimes flirting with the center and even the center-left. He spoke extensively about work, its duration, and remuneration based on merit.
Real Republic and Impeccable Democracy
The godmother of his candidacy, the continuous thread of his speech, was the republic “an always unfinished project that is neither a dogma nor a religion” but he envisioned a Sarkozyst republic “that allows those who have nothing to be free men, those who work to own something, those who start at the bottom of the social ladder to climb as high as their abilities will allow”. This republic is idealistic and leaves a place for each French citizen. The Minister of the Interior, who for many months had not ceased to point out the bad students, summarized the evils in the term virtual republic (dependency, lowering exam standards, lack of respect for authority) in opposition to the real republic and the impeccable democracy he wanted to establish. The candidate appeared different. He measured up to the role of President of the Republic, the man above all French people, above the parties. This is how he addressed all French people (young, old, poor, rich, middle class). He reassured. He negotiated his speech as if it were already the second round, to nibble at the center-right and center-left to recover votes from François Bayrou’s first round. Cunningly distilled quotes from Léon Blum and Jean Jaurès prove that Nicolas Sarkozy has not set an insurmountable boundary between left and right as if, for him, even on the left there are positive elements. This is called communication. The UMP strategy is locked. Nicolas Sarkozy will strive to unite, to not directly attack Ségolène Royal remembering the blunder by Jospin towards Jacques Chirac. Michèle Alliot-Marie, in a female duel, will be in charge of the confrontation, Nicolas Sarkozy reserving himself for the fortnight following April 22nd. The Sarko machine is launched and running at full speed. Only a candidacy from Jacques Chirac could stop it. With the strong enthusiasm around this single man on Sunday, January 14th, a “surprise” Chirac seems unlikely for fear of leaving politics on an election in which he would face a stinging defeat. Let’s return to Nice in June 1975 the day Nicolas Sarkozy was born politically. What if Jacques Chirac had not given the floor to Nicolas Sarkozy?
