Among national turmoil and expected reforms by activists, Patrick Allemand seems to want to learn a lesson from the last two elections: “The UMP has given us a lesson in terms of organization and ideological renewal.” Now, it remains to find common ground or, as in the great blue house, hope for the arrival of a leader capable of uniting all the socialist currents.
It’s a big project and extensive agenda just a few months before a municipal election which will be a real test for Nicolas Sarkozy’s policies and his government. Patrick Allemand is well aware of this and the hope of turning Nice into a left-leaning city like its counterparts in Lyon or Paris is not displeasing to him. But before getting there, there will be another test, that of the primaries and although it would seem likely that there are only two candidates for nomination, himself and Patrick Mottard, one can never be sure about the presence of a third participant. Another big unknown is the consolidation of leftist forces in Nice with Joseph Ciccolini and Jean-Christophe Picard who might just as well present an independent left list or even join the socialist candidate.
In short, as at the national level, things are moving in a Socialist Party of Côte d’Azur that, if unsure of which Patrick to turn to, is nevertheless determined to add a rosy hue to a coastline a bit too azure for its taste.
Nice Premium: Patrick Allemand, how do you analyze this second round of the legislative elections, in the 1st district, in Nice and nationally?
Patrick Allemand: The 1st district was the only one in the department where the left was present in the second round. Everywhere else, our candidates were crushed in the first round due to the very high level of the UMP. So, it’s a modest satisfaction in itself. The only measurable thing is the number of votes for socialist candidates in the first round compared to the 2002 series. I survived because the right was divided, but also because I lost fewer votes among our electorate than others. But I started with a very limited vote pool (the total for the left didn’t even reach 29%), and in this context, significantly improving Ségolène Royal’s second-round score was a pleasant surprise.
During this week, I tried to embody hope, our collective credibility, resistance to the UMP.
Nationally, I get the impression that the French wanted to rebalance a political situation outrageously favorable to the UMP. We were helped by the announcement of a social VAT, which is extremely enlightening about the mindset of the French. When you excessively flatter individualism, you should not be surprised if the anti-tax discourse spreads beyond mere income tax. I believe the French electorate demonstrated their democratic maturity on this occasion, but also their caution.
This result gives the Socialist Party the responsibility of being a vigilant and constructive opposition. The French told us, “We didn’t vote for you but protect us.” This shows that contrary to the UMP’s dreams, the country is not fundamentally ideologically right-wing. The French fear decline; they considered that Sarkozy represented a break from immobility. Therefore, the result of the second round of the legislative elections is good for the left, but especially good for the country.
NP: The UMP scored highly in the Alpes-Maritimes. What do you think were the reasons for this azure blue tsunami?
PA: We are in a department that has always been deeply rooted to the right sociologically. Some recent successes, especially since 1998, were due to the conjunction of two phenomena: divisions on the right and a strong National Front. This made us forget that the Alpes-Maritimes remains a challenging territory.
However, the extent of the wave can be explained by the exceptionally clear siphoning of the Frontist electorate by Nicolas Sarkozy. This is explained by the greater porosity than elsewhere between the right and the far-right in our region and by the absence of a leader within the local FN.
NP: The 2008 Municipal elections: Next goal for Patrick Allemand?
PA: It’s no secret to anyone. But I will not be a self-proclaimed candidate. It will be the militants who judge who is best suited to carry our ideas in this battle.
NP: What do you think legitimizes your candidacy?
PA: It will firstly be the vote of the militants. I hope they see me as a man of openness, close both to the people and the issues, and that they consider my experience as the first vice-president of the Region an asset in a city where we have been the opposition for decades. I also think they will remember how I “put in the work” during the presidential and legislative elections, at a time when it would have probably been more comfortable to keep a low profile.
NP: Who do you think will be the candidates in the Nice primary?
PA: Unless there’s a surprise, there will be two, and you know them.
NP: Do you have an idea of the UMP candidate who will be in the race for the next municipal elections in Nice?
PA: Difficult to say. The right in Nice is on the verge of implosion. I see three possibilities: Either Jacques Peyrat is reinvested by the UMP and he will try to reclaim the Niçois by relying on the tramway. Or the UMP will choose to invest another candidate but then Peyrat will fight out of pride and then we must prepare for a deadly three-way battle. Finally, the last possibility, the UMP manages to convince Peyrat to withdraw, but I hardly believe in that. In any case, the decision of the President of the Republic to personally come to inaugurate the tramway tends rather to reinforce Peyrat. I think they consider today that the level of the UMP is so high that they will manage to save the city with him. But beware of overconfidence, in politics, it can be costly.
NP: Let’s return to the Socialist Party. How do you judge the various positions during the post-presidential and post-legislative periods?
PA: I regret certain accusatory positions, even though they do not reflect the reality of the ongoing debates within the Socialist Party. At times, during the legislative campaign, we felt abandoned by some of our leaders. We need to move beyond the simplistic schema where the candidate would be blamed for all the evils and deficits, and conversely where the party would be responsible for everything.
However, now that the legislative elections have taken place, the debates are open. I think we can say everything if it’s done constructively. Because what matters today, far beyond the issues of personages, is the ideological refoundation of the Socialist Party.
NP: Do you think it’s time to reform the PS deeply?
PA: Yes. The UMP has given us a lesson in terms of organization and ideological renewal. We must remember that.
NP: Socialists in the government. What do you think?
PA: These are personal adventures, even if some members of this government classified on the left – I think of Fadela Amara or Martin Hirsch – went there genuinely thinking they could change things. This demonstrates Nicolas Sarkozy’s mindset, who believes that opening up can be achieved through individual poaching. He acted in the same way with the UDF between the two rounds of the presidential election. It’s the carrot or the stick policy.
NP: Are you more pro Modem or more “each to their own”?
PA: If the detachment of Bayrou from the majority is confirmed and if we have strong convergences, there is no reason not to dialogue. But the urgency is not there. For the moment, we should not be in an alliance strategy. We first need to modernize the Socialist Party imperatively.
NP: Finally, what will Patrick Allemand’s program be this summer?
PA: Mainly weeks of rest in the region and a gradual return after August 15th. I need to take a break this year because since September 2006, it has not stopped. Of course, I will be present at the usual gathering in La Rochelle for the summer universities of the PS, the last weekend of August.
