Trials and trials of intention, the eye of the justice storm, the media, and politics often rightly focused on them, make the Identitarian Youth cause a stir. They turn a deaf ear and even use it to their advantage. It offers them a (un)expected media platform and thus new sympathizers or activists. Philippe Vardon is the spokesperson. He assumes the radical nature of his words, of his projects but is very careful not to cross the limits imposed by the law. His speech shocks, invites debate, prompts reactions. Holding a Master’s degree in Political Science at 26, he knows the ins and outs of political machinations and strategies. He called a press conference to present his projects. He cleverly avoids the traps set for him. He demands a right of reply in Nice-Matin, deeming that the full page dedicated to them on Tuesday contained errors. And if necessary, he can call upon a cohort of lawyers who are delighted to defend the Identitarian Youth.
Nice-Première: You are presenting two candidates for the legislative elections under the label Nissa Rebela in the first two constituencies. Why this evolution?
Philippe Vardon: It’s the desire to establish roots in the political life of Nice. Through our activism, we have been a force since 2002. Our goal is to reclaim parcels of power. You could say it’s a step in our development, just like we conduct a food distribution campaign in winter, fight against anti-white racism with the Identitarian Youth, or organize a concert. The legislative elections are not an end in themselves. They are a stepping stone for the municipal and cantonal elections. Our real aim is associative, activist networking. Our idea is to say that if you don’t move forward, you’re moving backward. We want to make an independent voice heard, so that those who follow our movement are not forced to vote for someone who doesn’t share their sensibilities. We are the
Press Conference. Program. Strategy. Are you becoming a classic political party?
We are far from being standardized. We have always communicated since our creation. Nice-Matin did an article on us in February 2003. We have never refused to respond to journalists. We have a strategy that is consistent with our vision. We want to create a stronghold of the Identitarian Youth. We could be considered the alter-globalists of the right. The parallel doesn’t displease me as we’re a think tank. Within the large right-wing base in Nice, among the youth, we are the party that can gather the most activists. A banquet for young UMP members gathers 20 people.
What’s the objective? Surpass the 2% obtained by Damien Derey in the cantonal elections?
Less than 1% is unsatisfactory. Between 1 and 2 is acceptable. Above that is bonus. Here in Nice, above 2% we carry weight, we are courted.
Reading your program, you demand many things. But how to obtain them? This doesn’t fit the role of a deputy, which is to vote on laws. You seem to give the deputy executive power when they only have legislative power. This is a criticism your opponents will make. How will you respond?
I will not be a deputy! Our role is to raise questions. The Identitarians at the Municipal Council will defend this program. We will present our questions to other political candidates. Our weight depends on our score. In politics, everyone knows how to count. Their doors will be less closed to us than to the National Front. We are alternative; we do politics differently, so we are conceived differently. For example, on the left, I maintain quite good relations with Marc Concas, who is a hands-on person. We meet at cultural events since he is an elected official with roots. We discussed together for the parade for Catherine Ségurane. He is quite open and recognizes people who do work.
To the point of calling to vote left?
It will be on political bases, on our themes and values. I think we don’t have the most corrupt left in France in Nice. They are personable and they work.
Your recurring theme is everything for French and European families and nothing for others. Why? Everything would be fine afterward?
Things would be better for French and European families, for mine. On the lands enriched by our ancestors, I believe we have more rights than those who arrived five years ago. We must help our own before others. It may be idealistic. Migratory flows need to be controlled. I don’t want forced or chosen immigration. When there are so many demands from these populations, so much unemployment, forced marches of Islamization, insecurity – I want zero immigration. Burning a bus, waiting for firefighters to arrive to pelt them – it’s guerrilla warfare.
How to respond?
By force. It is the only solution for people who attack law enforcement and firefighters, the most noble profession in our society. For newly naturalized individuals, it’s the retroactive withdrawal of French nationality. Instead of prison, I propose a direct charter to send them back home. In a prison 80% Afro-Maghrebian, it’s very hard for a white person, not for them. There is drug trafficking, cell phones in every other cell.
But “home” is here…
For me, it’s a land, a people. For them, home is not here. When I see kids wandering with an Algerian jersey, Fatmah’s hands around their necks, speaking only Arabic more than their parents and grandparents, I wonder if they are French. Not for me. There are eight million Muslims on our soil. It is unacceptable. The capacity for assimilation is largely exceeded. We face a choice: do we want France to remain the Land of Europe or should we consider France a new Brazil, a super multicultural paradise? We have been sold the multiracial society for fifty years. But I only see a multiracist society, Arabs against whites, whites against blacks, blacks against Jews…
Instead of delivering your findings, you should think about assimilation.
Fifty years! Millions have been spent. Has everyone been wrong for fifty years? I believe more that for fifty years the populations don’t want to assimilate. When a threshold is exceeded, the population can no longer assimilate. How do you assimilate in Roubaix-Tourcoing in predominantly Afro-Maghrebian areas, in the northern districts of Marseille, in the Paris suburbs? I also have the weakness of thinking that where there are no Muslims, there is no Islamic terrorism. We will be criticized for our harsh discourse, but in French political life, we are the only ones ringing the alarm bell. I don’t have dreams of civil war, I don’t want to kill anyone. A political will is needed.
A will to do what?
Expulsion of anyone linked to networks when we are threatened by the Jihad. Are they here, and we just watch? No, I don’t want them to endanger my people. I want social aid to be reserved for those of my blood, for those with affinities with radical Islam to be banned from security jobs, for all foreign-origin delinquents to be expelled with a truly ambitious policy with Maghreb countries to consider the return of those who do not feel French. We can assimilate a Pole or an Italian or a Pied-Noir in one generation; the Afro-Maghrebian population hasn’t managed in four generations.
If it’s not racist, it’s at least discriminatory… a party with such principles risks being banned or at least regularly highlighted. Two of your members have been condemned and investigations are ongoing for reconstitution of a disbanded group (Union Radicale). You are monitored, and now that you are showing publicly, your missteps will be widely reported. Are you ready to assume that?
We have always been careful. De Montgolfier won’t miss me. For the Lycée Thierry Maulnier case, he only tried to link me to the affair. He will just have to keep in mind that he will no longer be chasing the spokesperson of the Identitarian Youth, but a legislative candidate and a future municipal list leader. He will count the votes and see that there is support behind us. They will have to stop the incessant pressures on us. Currently, I am being prosecuted for three leaflets. These are bogus prosecutions because we are confident that in the end, I will be acquitted. There is judicial harassment by De Montgolfier against us. The files are purely political. If he has a personal problem with me, let’s discuss it. With each trial, people join us. It’s just another form of media exposure. When we publish “Le Devoir de Déplaire,” you need to have a particular psychology. I have a desire to be liked. He is more hated than I am!
And the trial on Union Radicale?
It’s still De Montgolfier. I think the Ministry is tired of it. I studied law, and he’s a very bad prosecutor. He doesn’t know how to build cases. There are five pages on the facts and fifty of description. We have lawyers who like us a lot and have fun against De Montgolfier. He ridicules himself, but I continue my discourse, which is radical and factual but does not incite hatred. Let them sue me for defamation!
There have been identitarian youths in prison.
Just for preventive detention because the prosecutor deemed them a danger to society after exchanging punches. They fought, they were condemned… We simply believe we should not look down or change sidewalks when we cross a young person in a cap who extorts and plans to gang-rape within five years.
And for the presidential elections? Who will you support? Are you more J-M Le Pen or Philippe de Villiers?
We don’t support anyone. We will just send a questionnaire to each candidate on subjects we consider essential (Turkey, Solidarity, identity, immigration, decentralization).
We regret Jean-Marie Le Pen’s ultra-republican campaign. He is assimilationist, very Jacobin, under his daughter’s influence. That discourse offends us.
And Sarkozy?
He allowed municipalities to finance mosques. He advocates positive discrimination. He strengthened the UIOF. He introduced the wolf into the sheepfold. It’s spectacle politics, “announce politics.” He’s the Chirac of the ’80s! He will get a good score, as he is a very good communicator but not a good politician or manager.
Will you run in the municipal elections? Who will compose your list?
We are preparing it. The list leaders will be those from the legislative elections. And the program as well. The list will be called Nissa. We will demand more freedoms for the Pays Niçois, which would have the Var as a border limit. I support a federal, decentralized republic. There is a desire for identity.
Setting a barrier between Niçois and non-Niçois?
We won’t congratulate ourselves that there are more non-Niçois in Nice. But there’s +40% of Niçois at the baccalauréat. You have to identify with a community of destiny. Being Niçois entails identifying with history. What we don’t want is a situation like in Corsica, where mainland French people settle and remain within their villa walls. It’s not apartheid discourse for the 35,000 genuine Niçois even if I would prefer there to be 350,000 genuine Niçois. It’s the town’s history.
What will you aim for? A representative in the municipal council?
To weigh in, take root, and prepare for 2014. We don’t aim to be majoritarian. We can be a force of opposition, proposition, or support. Being on the Municipal Council would be fantastic for us. I’m convinced we will be there in 2014.
Finally, all this is a fantastic media showcase for your group. Was that what you were primarily seeking?
It’s a half-priority. Nice must be a stronghold, a political laboratory, and commit. Our campaign will be closely watched. But our priority is to play a role. 90,000 voters will receive our campaign manifesto in the first constituency. Within the electoral framework, we will have to talk about ourselves. We will create a media space. We conduct many actions, but it isn’t easy to relay them.
